Gentlemen of the Congress of the Confederate States of America:
Called to the difficult and
responsible station of Executive Chief of the Provisional Government which you have
instituted, I approach the discharge of the duties assigned me with an humble distrust of
my abilities, but with a sustaining confidence in the wisdom of those who are to aid and
guide me in the administration of public affairs, and an abiding faith in the patriotism
and virtue of the people. Looking forward to the speedy establishment of a provisional
government to take the place of the present one, and which, by its great moral and
physical powers, will be better able to contend with the difficulties which arise from the
conflicting incidents of separate nations, I enter upon the duties of the office for which
I have been chosen with the hope that the beginning of our career as a Confederacy may not
be obstructed by hostile opposition to the enjoyment of that separate and independent
existence which we have asserted, and which, with the blessing of Providence, we intend to
maintain.
Our present position has been achieved in a
manner unprecedented in the history of nations. It illustrates the American idea that
government rests upon the consent of the governed, and that it is the right of the people
to alter or abolish a government whenever it becomes destructive of the ends for which it
was established. The declared purposes of the compact of Union from which we have
withdrawn were to establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, to provide for the
common defence, to promote the general welfare, and to secure the blessings of liberty for
ourselves and our posterity; and when in the judgment of the sovereign States now
comprising this Confederacy it had been perverted from the purposes for which it was
ordained, and had ceased to answer the ends for which it was established, an appeal to the
ballot box declared that so far as they were concerned the government created by that
compact should cease to exist. In this they merely asserted a right which the Declaration
of Independence of 1776 defined to be inalienable. Of the time and occasion for its
exercise, they, as sovereign, were the final judges each for itself. The impartial and
enlightened verdict of mankind will vindicate the rectitude of our conduct, and He who
knows the hearts of men will judge the sincerity with which we have labored to preserve
the government of our fathers, in its spirit and in those rights inherent in it, which
were solemnly proclaimed at the birth of the States, and which have been affirmed and
reaffirmed in the Bills of Rights of the several States. When they entered into the Union
of 1789, it was with the undeniable recognition of the power of the people to resume the
authority delegated for the purposes of that government whenever, in their opinion, its
functions were perverted and its ends defeated. By virtue of this authority, the time and
occasion requiring them to exercise it having arrived, the sovereign States here
represented have seceded from that Union, and it is a gross abuse of language to
denominate the act rebellion or revolution. They have formed a new alliance, but in each
State its government has remained as before. The rights of person and property have not
been disturbed. The agency through which they have communicated with foreign powers has
been changed, but this does not necessarily interrupt their international relations.
Sustained by a consciousness that our
transition from the former Union to the present Confederacy has not proceeded from any
disregard on our part of our just obligations, or any failure to perform every
constitutional duty -- moved by no intention or design to invade the rights of others --
anxious to cultivate peace and commerce with all nations -- if we may not hope to avoid
war, we may at least expect that posterity will acquit us of having needlessly engaged in
it. We are doubly justified by the absence of wrong on our part, and by wanton aggression
on the part of others. There can be no cause to doubt that the courage and patriotism of
the people of the Confederate States will be found equal to any measure of defence which
may be required for their security. Devoted to agricultural pursuits, their chief interest
is the export of a commodity required in every manufacturing country. Our policy is peace,
and the freest trade our necessities will permit. It is alike our interest, and that of
all those to whom we would sell and from whom we would buy, that there should be the
fewest practicable restrictions upon interchange of commodities. There can be but little
rivalry between us and any manufacturing or navigating community, such as the Northwestern
States of the American Union.
It must follow, therefore, that mutual interest
would invite good will and kindness between them and us. If, however, passion or lust of
dominion should cloud the judgment and inflame the ambition of these States, we must
prepare to meet the emergency, and maintain, by the final arbitrament of the sword, the
position we have assumed among the nations of the earth. We have now entered upon our
career of independence, and it must be inflexibly pursued.
Through many years of controversy with our late
associates, the Northern States, we have vainly endeavored to secure tranquillity and
obtain respect for the rights to which we were entitled. As a necessity, not a choice we
have resorted to separation, and henceforth our energies must be devoted to the conducting
of our own affairs, and perpetuating the Confederacy we have formed. If a just perception
of mutual interest shall permit us peaceably to pursue our separate political career, my
most earnest desire will have been fulfilled. But if this be denied us, and the integrity
and jurisdiction of our territory be assailed, it will but remain for us with a firm
resolve to appeal to arms and invoke the blessings of Providence upon a just cause.
As a consequence of our new constitution, and
with a view to meet our anticipated wants, it will be necessary to provide a speedy and
efficient organization of the several branches of the executive departments having special
charge of our foreign intercourse, financial and military affairs, and postal service. For
purposes of defence, the Confederate States may, under ordinary circumstances rely mainly
upon their militia; but it is deemed advisable, in the present condition of affairs, that
there should be a well instructed, disciplined army, more numerous than would be usually
required for a peace establishment.
I also suggest that for the protection of our
harbors and commerce on the high seas, a navy adapted to those objects be built up. These
necessities have doubtless engaged the attention of Congress.
With a constitution differing only in form from
that of our forefathers, in so far as it is explanatory of their well known intents, freed
from sectional conflicts which have so much interfered with the pursuits of the general
welfare, it is not unreasonable to expect that the States from which we have parted may
seek to unite their fortunes with ours under the government we have instituted. For this
your constitution has made adequate provision, but beyond this, if I mistake not the
judgment and will of the people, our reunion with the States from which we have separated
is neither practicable nor desirable. To increase power, develop the resources, and
promote the happiness of this Confederacy, it is necessary that there should be so much
homogeneity as that the welfare of every portion be the aim of the whole. When this
homogeneity does not exist, antagonisms are engendered which must and should result in
separation.
Actuated solely by a desire to protect and
preserve our own rights and promote our own welfare, the secession of the Confederate
States has been marked by no aggression upon others, and followed by no domestic
convulsion. Our industrial pursuits have received no check; the cultivation of our fields
has progressed as heretofore; and even should we be involved in war, there would be no
considerable diminution in the production of the great staple which constitutes our
exports, and in which the commercial world has an interest scarcely less than our own.
This common interest of producer and consumer can only be interrupted by external force,
which would obstruct shipments to foreign markets -- a course of conduct which would be
detrimental to manufacturing and commercial interests abroad. Should reason guide the
action of the government from which we have separated, a policy so injurious to the
civilized world, the Northern States included, could not be dictated even by the strongest
desire to inflict injury upon us; but if otherwise, a terrible responsibility will rest
upon it, and the suffering of millions will bear testimony to the folly and wickedness of
our aggressors. In the meantime there will remain to us, besides the ordinary remedies
before suggested, the well known resources for retaliation upon the commerce of our enemy.
Experience in public stations of subordinate
grade to this which your kindness has conferred on me, has taught me that care and toil
and disappointments are the price of official elevation. You will have many errors to
forgive, many deficiencies to tolerate, but you will not find in me either a want of zeal
or fidelity to a cause that has my highest hopes and most enduring affection. Your
generosity has bestowed upon me an undeserved distinction, one which neither sought nor
desired. Upon the continuance of that sentiment, and upon your wisdom and patriotism, I
rely to direct and support me in the performance of the duties required at my hands. We
have changed the constituent parts, not the system of our government. The constitution
formed by our fathers is the constitution of the "Confederate States." In their
exposition of it, and in the judicial constructions it has received, it has a light that
reveals its true meaning. Thus instructed as to the just interpretations of that
instrument, and ever remembering that all public offices are but trusts, held for the
benefit of the people, and that delegated powers are to be strictly construed, I will hope
that by due diligence in the discharge of my duties, though I may disappoint your
expectations, yet to retain, when retiring, something of the good will and confidence
which welcome my entrance into office. It is joyous in perilous times to look around upon
a people united in heart, who are animated and actuated by one and the same purpose and
high resolve, with whom the sacrifices to be made are not weighed in the balance against
honor, right, liberty and equality. Obstacles may retard, but cannot prevent their
progressive movements. Sanctified by justice and sustained by a virtuous people, let me
reverently invoke the God of our fathers to guide and protect us in our efforts to
perpetuate the principles which by HIS blessing they were able to vindicate, establish and
transmit to their posterity, and with the continuance of HIS favor, ever to be gratefully
acknowledged, let us look hopefully forward to success, to peace, and to prosperity.
Source: Southern Historical Society Papers.
Vol. I. Richmond, Virginia., January, 1876. No. 1
Inaugural Address Of President Jefferson Davis At
Montgomery, Alabama, February, 1861.
